9 chapters across the catalog
Following the Civil War and the end of Reconstruction, the old Southern "Bourbon" elite reconstituted their power by moving west and integrating into the military and industrial sectors. This "Cowboy" base eventually re-established a hold over American military institutions. The segment argues that the spirit of the Confederacy persisted by aligning with the expansionist needs of the federal government in the West.
Historical analysis covers the period following the 1865 prohibition of slavery and the subsequent devolution into racial terrorism. Despite the 14th Amendment, the withdrawal of federal troops from the South ended Reconstruction and led to the reestablishment of racial subordination through lynchings. These acts are defined not merely as violence, but as a control mechanism intended to maintain a racial hierarchy through the threat of public execution.
Professor Robert Durden provides historical context on the Duke family's independent streak, noting that Washington Duke became a Republican during Reconstruction—a highly unpopular move in the post-Civil War South. The family's wealth, built on tobacco, was used to fund Trinity College (later Duke University) and various benevolent causes, often to maintain stable relations with their black labor force.
Kimberlé Crenshaw invokes the historical case of Willie Horton and the actions of President Andrew Johnson to frame current opposition to CRT as a "tried and true playbook" of anti-black sentiment. The 1988 Willie Horton ad campaign is cited as a precedent for using racial fear for political leverage. This framing suggests that modern "hysteria" over school curricula is a continuation of post-Civil War backlash against racial equality.
The hosts delve into the background of Virginia Durr, a white Southern aristocrat who was a key figure behind the Montgomery bus boycott. Durr's family owned a 35,000-acre plantation, and Rosa Parks worked for her as a seamstress. The segment explores how Durr's "re-education" led her to the civil rights movement, though her involvement is framed within the context of her high-society connections.
Following a meeting with 20 Black church leaders in Savannah, General William Tecumseh Sherman issued Special Order 15, granting 400,000 acres of confiscated Confederate land to newly emancipated people. This order, which became known as "40 acres and a mule," was approved by Lincoln but overturned by his successor, Andrew Johnson, a former slaveholder. The land was subsequently returned to white Southerners, a move the hosts describe as a betrayal that forced Black Americans back into economic dependency.
Following the assassination of Abraham Lincoln, President Andrew Johnson overturned Special Field Order No. 15. The 400,000 acres of land that had been granted to newly emancipated black people was seized and returned to white Southerners.
Using clips from The New York Times, the segment traces the history of black enfranchisement from the Emancipation Proclamation through the Reconstruction era. It covers the 14th Amendment and the eventual 19th Amendment, while noting that voting remained contentious throughout the 20th century. Moe explains that older generations view voting as a hard-won obligation due to this proximity to the struggle.
Historical documents from 1825 Rowan County, North Carolina, are read to illustrate the specific duties of slave patrols, including the power to inflict corporal punishment on black people. The hosts discuss how these patrols were eventually renamed or replaced by the KKK and small-town sheriffs during the Reconstruction era. This history is presented as the foundation for the "woke anti-police narrative" prevalent in modern social discourse.
