28 chapters across the catalog
The hosts discuss the use of double entendres and specific slang in hip-hop to avoid being misconstrued. Farrakhan critiques the "Talented Tenth" leaders like Al Sharpton and Jesse Jackson for being disconnected from the suffering masses. Moe argues that these leaders often act as "bloodsuckers" who help the establishment maintain control.
Dr. Edward L. Branch distinguishes between "tuning" and "hooping" in sermons. The hosts discuss how the church served as the primary social and spiritual hub for Black Americans. They argue that figures like Al Sharpton and Jesse Jackson used the "Reverend" title for credibility, a status that has now shifted toward rappers.
A discussion on the struggle between faith and sexuality features a speaker who questions the divine authorship of the Bible, calling it a book "written by men." The hosts argue that figures like Al Sharpton and T.D. Jakes have "gotten on board" with progressive agendas for political and financial gain. This is described as a "bullying" of the bedrock beliefs of the Black church through the manipulation of 501c3 status and funding.
The hosts review the straining of Black-Jewish relations in the 1970s and 80s, culminating in the 1991 Crown Heights riots in New York. They critique the leadership of Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton, suggesting they are "protected" or "compromised" by corporate interests like Comcast and NBC. The segment also mentions Tamika Mallory and her controversial association with Louis Farrakhan as a "control mechanism" used by the media.
The hosts analyze Dr. Turner's sermon through the lens of the "Talented Tenth" and the "Boule." They suggest that the Duke family's donations to the Methodist Church ensured that local black reverends remained quiet during the lacrosse scandal, as they knew "where their bread was buttered." This explains why outside figures like Malik Shabazz were needed for protests.
Reverend Al Sharpton appears on MSNBC to argue that Rittenhouse was the aggressor because he went to Kenosha to "confront protesters." The hosts reject this narrative, asserting that protecting property—even if it belongs to others—is a legitimate act and does not constitute aggression under the law.
The hosts conclude the episode by reiterating that the Rittenhouse and Arbery trials are being used as a psychological operation to advance gun control. Mo Facts encourages listeners to "pay attention to everything" as the truth reveals itself. The show ends with a musical segment.
The discussion covers the mechanics of FBI informants, citing Darthard Perry and the alleged flipping of Al Sharpton after he was caught with "product." The hosts explain how the Bureau uses cash payments and IRS protection to manage assets. They warn listeners to be careful about who they associate with, as simple proximity can lead to being labeled an "affiliate" of a targeted group.
The discussion centers on Patrice Cullors, co-founder of Black Lives Matter, and her public admission of being a "trained Marxist." Moe introduces the term "Black Ink" to categorize the business and political side of racial activism, including figures like Al Sharpton and Jesse Jackson. They examine an interview conducted by Jared Ball where Cullors discusses the origins and radical gender politics of the movement.
A producer suggests exploring the impact of music on the civil rights movement, specifically mentioning Nina Simone. The hosts discuss why figures like Al Sharpton and Jesse Jackson have operated safely for decades while radical leaders like Malcolm X and Fred Hampton were assassinated. They also recommend the Malcolm X docuseries on Netflix.
During an MSNBC segment, a reporter expresses concern that Charlamagne's call for black gun ownership might lead to people "attacking" others. Charlamagne corrects her, emphasizing self-defense, but the hosts note the immediate pivot to fear-mongering when a black man advocates for his rights. Reverend Al Sharpton remains non-committal, which Mo'fax interprets as a sign of the "old school" civil rights leadership being out of touch.
Reverend Al Sharpton and attorney Ben Crump arrive in Minneapolis to represent the Floyd family. Moe describes Crump as the "legal muscle" and Sharpton as the "mouthpiece" for a well-established business model of media-driven activism. They critique Sharpton's polished media presence and his evolution since the Tawana Brawley case.
Joe Biden appeared with Al Sharpton at the National Action Network to apologize for past "mistakes" regarding sentencing disparities. Biden claimed he was misled by "experts" who suggested crack was fundamentally different from powder cocaine, a claim skeptics view as a revisionist political apology.
By 2016, Diddy's political stance shifted toward being "undecided" and encouraging black and Latino voters to hold their votes until issues were addressed. In an interview with Al Sharpton on MSNBC, Diddy expressed a sense of disenfranchisement, stating that the black community put Obama in office but received little in return. The hosts note that these warnings went largely ignored by the media at the time.
COVID-19 Family Meeting, Unserious Panels and Fair Share
Diddy organized a "mandatory family meeting" on Revolt TV to discuss the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on the black community. The panel included entertainers like Meek Mill and Killer Mike alongside Al Sharpton and Van Jones. The hosts criticize the inclusion of rappers on a pandemic panel instead of medical experts like Ben Carson, questioning the seriousness of the initiative.
The modern media landscape utilizes "online soldiers" to activate outrage and drive news cycles, often targeting officials associated with the Trump administration. Despite the Surgeon General's role in issuing health warnings on tobacco and marijuana, his advice to minority communities was framed as controversial. This segment examines how public health experts like Dr. Birx and Jerome Adams become "tainted" by political association in the eyes of the press.
Reverend Al Sharpton and Joe Scarborough discuss Bernie Sanders' inability to connect his economic message with the racial realities of "Martin Luther King Boulevard." The hosts argue that independent Black media and pro-reparation factions were responsible for taking down establishment candidates like Bloomberg and Harris. They assert that independent voices now hold more influence than traditional figures like Sharpton or Karen Hunter.
Al Sharpton suggests that Bernie Sanders struggled in the South due to a lack of cultural and spiritual connection to the Black church. Mo Facts argues that Sanders' Jewish identity was a quiet but significant factor among Black Christian voters in South Carolina. They contrast this with Barack Obama's strategic use of his church affiliation to build trust with older Black voters.
Karen Hunter proposes moving away from "charismatic black leadership" in favor of a "Black Agenda" delivered by an unseen council of experts or technocrats. The hosts critique this shift, noting that figures like Al Sharpton remain part of the corporate MSNBC machine while legacy leaders like Farrakhan are being "thrown under the bus." They argue that corporate checks given to these leaders rarely result in tangible improvements for black neighborhoods.
A former PR professional explains how corporations use "crisis management" to handle racial controversies by writing checks to civil rights organizations. They describe a cycle where figures like Al Sharpton are essentially "scheduled" to demonstrate so that a corporation can resolve the issue with a donation to the National Action Network. This strategy is framed as a way for companies to avoid being labeled racist while maintaining shareholder value.
